David L. Phillips is currently Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. Phillips has worked as a senior adviser to the United Nations Secretariat and as a foreign affairs expert and senior adviser to the U.S. Department of State. For discussing the possibility of amicable divorce between Iraq and Kurdistan region, as well as, the imperative of internal Kurdish political cohesion for gaining statehood and garnering international support, and many other challenging issues, we have conducted an interview with him, and he answered our questions as the following:

• First of all, you have been a member of the task force for stat-building in Iraqi Kurdistan, and recently the task force for the future of Iraq headed by Mr. Ambassador Ryan Crocker has published its report, so do you see any similarities between these two task forces? And do you expect that they will contribute in setting the stage for amicable divorce between Kurdistan Region and Iraq?
I have not seen the other task force report, to which you refer, but I do know Ambassador Ryan Crocker. We worked together in the State Department’s Near Eastern Affairs Bureau on the Future of Iraq Project. Mr. Crocker is a very talented diplomat, but he leans towards preserving Iraq’s integral territory. The situation today requires a more current and reality-based approach. Kurdistan is on the path to independence. The international community must recognize this fact and support negotiation between Baghdad and Erbil that will result in the amicable divorce.
• To what extent is it possible that this process will proceed peacefully and result in a negotiated agreement as you mentioned?
Baghdad and Erbil need to establish committees and these committees will discuss the terms of divorce. Then the KRG should schedule a referendum. Once the referendum is complete, a date should be set for the declaration of independence. It would be goodto allow timebetween the referendum and the declaration of independence so Erbilcan negotiate with directly affected parties, such as Turkey, Iran, and the United States. The process needs to start between Baghdad and Erbil. It must be transparent.
• So you don’t prefer a unilateral declaration of independence?
It would be better if it were a negotiated agreement, but if Iraq is unable or unwilling, because of the division in Iraqi politics, then the KRG needs to consider a unilateral declaration of independence after a referendum. It is important for KRG to move quickly. The window of opportunity could close if the process is delayed. During this transition period, the KRG should focus on state building and strengthening the institutions for self-rule.
• So it’s an urgent matter for Kurdistan to initiate or embark on this effort?
The longer the Kurdistan regional government waits, the harder it becomes.
• Mr. Professor, you are always charactering peshmerga as a capable and committed force, and recently the secretary of defense, Mr. Asthon Carter, demandedform the peshmerga to participate in the liberation of Raqqa city in Syria, so does peshmerga deserve to receive direct military equipment and weapons form the US administration?
The US and the KRG have a shared interest in destroying ISIS. If US Government asks peshmerga to participate in Raqqa operations. I believe the peshmerga should accommodate US request. In this event, the US needs to provide the peshmerga the tools for its fight including heavy and offensive weapons and a process for more efficiently delivering weapons to Erbil. The KRG should expect a reward form the United States. That reward should be recognition of Iraqi Kurdistan as independent entity.
• How is it imperative that this military cooperation between Kurdistan region and the United State to continue for even after the defeat of ISIS?
The United States forces and the peshmerga have cooperated since 2002. There should be a status of forces agreement between the US and the KRG that would allow the basing of US troops in Iraqi Kurdistan. Once independence is achieved the US could enter into a bilateral agreement regarding security and other matters.
• Especially there is a memorandum of understanding signed between Pentagon and the ministry of peshmerga for providing finance and training related assistance to peshmerga forces?
Yes, I am proud that US government is providing direct budgetary support to assist Peshmerga. It is important that to expand its budgetary support and to provision the right weapons, so peshmerga can function like a professional army.
• Is this because- as you mentioned- that the US and the peshmerga have shared security interests in this region?
The US and the KRG have shared interests, shared values, and a shared future. It is high we move from a period of conflict to the peace-building phase that would enhance cooperation between these two countries.
• Recently the Middle East task force report –headed by Mr. Steven Hadley and the secretary Madeleine Albright - has been released which focuses on the urgency of reconstituting governance structures in the Middle Eastern countries, what do you make about that?
I am glad that that prominent Americans are paying attention to the Middle East. But these task force reports are proliferating. A new administration is coming in. We really don’t know what to expect. It is unclear how these task force reports will be received. So we have to wait and see how the president Elect Trump will approach Kurdish issues and the Middle East.
• But don’t you think that the recommendations included in these task force reports will have impact on the approached and policies of the next administration?
We think so, but we really don’t know how the policymaking is going to work in the next administration. We can expect it to be unconventional and unpredictable. The business of forming task forces and the issuance of reports is the typical way to influence foreign policy decision making. Whether the incoming administration of Mr. Trump take these ideas into consideration is yet to be determined.
• Let us talk about the governance structure of the Kurdistan region, and ask what are, in your view, the formidable and fundamental challenges face Kurdistan regional government?
The Kurds have to get along with each other. And the Kurds have to get along with international community. The goal of independence is greater that any other short term political, personal, or partisan agenda. Those who support Kurdish independence want the Kurds to come together with a common vision and a common purpose, and set aside their partisan political disputes. The unification and the professionalism of the Peshmerga is also required.
• So the independence issue should be a rallying cry for intensifying the efforts and overcoming obstacles and forging a common vision for the future as you have pointed out?
That is correct. The common goal of independence is a unifying factor. Independence is much more important than short term political gain. I encourage my friends in Kurdistan to set aside their differences and to unify behind an independent future.
• So the urgent matter at this moment is creating a domestic political coherence in Kurdistan region?
If there is incoherence, opponents of the Kurds will use it to discredit the goal of independence. This is a historic moment. Kurds have a historic opportunity. They must not squander it by bickering.
• Let us turn to the issue of the minorities, ethnic and religious, in your point of view what measures Kurdistan region have to take to safeguard the safety of these minorities from of being subject to genocidal campaign in the future?
There are important lessons from Kirkuk for the rest of Kurdistan. Lessons involve power-sharing, and the need to provide basic services such as the provision of water and electricity. Security is paramount. Governorates must provide power to local councils so that people feel they have a stake in their shared future.
• To what extent it is imperative that these issues be enshrined in the future constitution of Kurdistan region?
The constitution of Iraqi Kurdistan should include the highest standards regarding minority rights, as well as women’s rights. It would signal to these communities that their interests are going to be protected and promoted.
• As you know the constitution writing process in Kurdistan region has faltered, in your perspective what was the stumbling block that prevented this process form completion?
Drafting a constitution can be an exercise in conflict-resolution. Work of the constitutional commission is a process that allows all groups to express their views and have their voices heard.
• Although you have pointed to the unpredictability of the next US administration, but we cannot help but to ask, should the upcoming US administration treat the Kurds as real and reliable partner?
I think it is important that the US administration should treat Iraqi Kurdistan as a partner and support it is national aspirations and democracy.
• How do you asses the role of Mr. President Barzani in leading the campaign against ISIS?
President Barzani is playing an indispensible role as a head of state, and in leading operations against ISIS. His role should continue until Iraqi Kurdistan’s strategic and national objectives are achieved. Then there should be a peaceful transition of power. Barzani was born under the flag of Kurdistan. For his legacy, he should lead Iraqi Kurdistan to independence. Then he can step aside, satisfied and with honor.