Murat Somer is an Associate Professor of International Relations at Koç University specializing in comparative politics, political economy and Turkish politics. He writes on ethnic conflicts and nationalism, democratization, religious and secular politics, the Kurdish question, and political Islam. His research has been published in numerous book volumes and academic journals including The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Comparative Political Studies, and The Middle East Journal. Currently, he is working on two books, one on the Kurdish question and the other on the relationship between Muslim and secular elite values and democracy. Somer's research on religious and secular elite values and social and political pluralism won a Sabancı-Brookings International Research Award in 2009, and he was a Democracy and Development fellow at Princeton University, New Jersey, in 2010-2011. Somer teaches undergraduate and graduate courses in comparative politics, political economy and religious and secular politics and democracy, and coordinates the MA and PhD programs in Political Science and International Relations. A former Mellon post-doctoral fellow on modern ethnic conflicts at the University of Washington in Seattle, Dr. Somer holds a BA in Economics from Istanbul's Boğaziçi University and a PhD in Political Economy and Public Policy from the University of Southern California in Los Angeles.

The Kurdish question in Turkey has become one of the dominant topics of discussion recently both inside Turkey and its neighboring countries. There are many speculations and expectations regarding solving the question by peaceful means and the effect that it exerts on the whole region including Syria. Ocalan's call for PKK's disarmament and retreat from Turkey back to Qandil Mountain hailed and supported by Turkish and international media, as well as by the government in Turkey. It seems that the Turkish government's approach to deal with the question and the PKK's reaction to it are more equitable and reasoning. Yet, there are still aspects that need to be taken into consideration since there are abundance of factors that may cause digression and become obstacles in the path of a peace agreement. To explore these topics and probe further into the issue, here is an interview with Murat Somer an Associate Professor of International Relations at the University of Koc in Istanbul.


Gulan: The main discussions in Turkey are about peaceful solution of Kurdish question and holding dialogues with Abudllah Ocalan, Head of PKK. According to your opinion; how far is this process stepping forward and will peacefully solve the Kurdish question?

Professor Somer: I am hopeful because reactions show that the public in Turkey desires a peaceful resolution. Current reactions to “PKK talks” were much more moderate than in the past. But all depends on whether the government and the PKK will be able to find a middle-of-the road compromise between their respective expectations. They should not make demands the other side cannot fulfill. And the government cannot make political promises that would be implemented before some sort of peace is achieved. This requires trust. We are at a confidence-building stage. One step forward was the reactions from the Turkish public after the murders in Paris, which probably was an attempt to derail the process. But the reactions were moderate. Another trust-building step was the PKK’s release of captives. Another will be the Newruz celebrations, which hopefully send a message of peace and moderation.

Gulan: Some experts think that this step of government for resolving Kurdish question peacefully aims at making both sides--Government and PKK-- forget about military confrontations and to solve the question peacefully. But as it is known both Military inside the Government and Military aspect of PKK are more favoring resolving the problems by military means. To what extent do you expect that PKK may get disarmament and the military aspect of the Government will not make obstacles for Erdogan's steps?

Professor Somer: Of course there will be road accidents. This is why moderate demands and confidence-building are important. The most important insurance against such interventions is a supportive public including both Turks and Kurds whose vital sensitivities are respected by the process. Another important question is whether Erdoğan will be able to secure the support of opposition parties. This is related to the new constitution-writing process. The new constitution should be based on broad societal consensus. This may mean that Erdoğan should decıde whether a conssnsus-based constitution or his proposed presidential system is more important for Turkey’s democratization and the resolution of the Kurdish question.

Gulan: Syria is one of the issues that are directly related to Turkey, in which Turkey wants the downfall of Assad's regime, but hasn't taken any serious steps in this regard. According to your view; if Turkey doesn't play an essential role in Syria's case, do you think, later on, will Turkey be able to take control of the situation?

Professor Somer: It would be difficult to achieve a lasting resolution in Syria without Turkey, which is its main neighbor. Turkey’s insistence on Assad’s downfall is the morally correct policy but I am not sure whether it is a realistic one. At the end, I think Turkey can become part of an internationally supported transition in Syria as long as its economic and security interests in the region are respected and I think Turkey could be more flexible in return.

Gulan: Apart from Iran, Iraq is also supporting the remaining of Assad's regime in power, which means two of main Turkey's neighbors are taking steps against Turkey. According to your opinion; how far does the situation--that the whole area is passing through--get along with the Turkish Zero Problem policy?

Professor Somer: Current problems that the Zero Problems Policy were not created by Turkey. They emerged for other reasons and Turkey has been trying to adjust to the changing circumstances. The Zero Problems Policy is not only a strategy for solving problems with Turkey’s neighbors. It is part of a broader regional vision that aims to bring peace and development to the region through economic integration and civil society cooperation. It includes transcending state-security-centered policies that, Turkey claims, are legacies of external domination. This vision is a good vision as long as it does not overemphasize religion and history, which can be unifying as well as divisive. Thus, more than just solving specific problems, the Zero Problems Policy reflects a new vision and mental paradigm shift for the region. I am not sure whether countries that challenge Turkey on Syria or other issues offer an alternative vision and what it is.

Gulan: Kurdistan region as one of the Turkey's neighbors and part of Iraq shares an important relation with Turkey and there is a high amount of economy and trading interest between both sides. In your opinion; to what extent are the relations with Kurdistan region important for Turkey especially since Kurdistan region is currently exporting oil through Turkey?

Professor Somer: I think these relations are very important because economic cooperation and integration are necessary for regional development as well as resolving the Kurdish question in the region. But also, these relations are important because of the regional vision I discussed earlier.

Gulan: Turkey has an important attitude in the Middle East, and its bigger hope is to become a member at EU. To what extent is Turkey able to maintain a balance between Europe and Middle East?

Professor Somer: Turkey’s relations with the Middle East make it more valuable for the EU, and its EU relations make Turkey a more valuable example and partner for Middle Eastern countries. But EU’s and Turkey’s interests do not always coincide in the Middle East. I think Turkey should seek a type of relationship with the EU that is equal to full membership in terms of status, but also more flexible and multilayered in terms of obligations and integration. This would also facilitate the EU’s acceptance of Turkey, which is currently highly ambiguous.