Hard power is a theory that describes using military and economic means to influence the behaviours or interests of other political bodies. Observers have long debated whether economic or military power is fundamental. In fact, the physical conversion of military power to economic power is horrendously expensive and difficult to achieve (James Graham 1998), and yet economic power might gradually replace military might at the end of this century. All the same, efforts in this direction have to handle five central issues: capitalism, economic growth, democracy, intergenerational equity, and our relations with the earth’s climate (Jorgen Randers 2012). An assumption that money ought automatically to produce more money has deprived us moderns the wisdom on how to deal with “The Wealth of Nature” that our mainstream economics and politics have persistently viewed as “The Wealth of Nations”. Ultimately, it has created its own dilemma of “Nation versus Nature”. To that end, we have to admit in pain that the fate of global economic growth albeit in the wake of resource depletion, environmental impacts and systematic financial & monetary failure, seems in danger. All in all, this has brought modern world face to face with the grand question on how it will be possible for our precious democracy as to curb the evasion of Capitalism in what Robert B. Reich (2007) has recently lamented as “Super-Capitalism”? Simply the coming chaos in context is alarming enough when we realise that there will be neither losers nor winners but the race to lose last!
Upper Mesopotamia of what has become known Kurdistan is one the richest spots on earth, and where its nature of abundance has granted agrarian Kurds plenty of water resource, fertile lands, and a considerable reservoir of minerals, oil & gas. Though the geopolitics of after General-Wars had deprived them the right for nation state, the nobility of Kurdish nation could stand the test of modern times. Seeking economic power, modern Kurds have been left with the wisdom of economical co-existence with neighbouring nations. In fact, the principles of democracy would argue for such co-existence of the Kurds either within each nieghboring nation-state, as well as with their own other parts in these countries. The sum total of regional efforts will suffice, and its new trend of socio-economic approach would ultimately pave the way for most needed complementary economy between all the parties in the region (Gulan 882). Sustainability principles defined as to meet the rising challenges of 21st century would affirm the grandeur necessity of such approach, whilst efforts in this direction do imply a policy that can outline a pragmatic planning on this endeavour (Gulan 907). Setting priority, there is an urgent need for a proper management and development of the rich natural resources in Kurdistan. It means also setting long term objectives for developmental projections all towards social justice that would prioritize public welfare and dignity above all (Gulan 823). And as the concept of national security has changed in scope and concept into food, water, and energy securities (Gulan 560, 788, 813, 829, ), decision makers in Kurdistan have to prepare themselves for another exercise of internal co-existence between their existing loyalty and the capability of the intellectual elite (Gulan 838).

Demographically, the age-structure of youth to old (8:1) seems high enough among the people of Kurdistan; a huge advantage that is still contracted by demographic imbalance due to the migration flow of rural workforce to urban more prosperous areas. Verily, the merging illusion of urbanization along with past driving forces of political instability coincided with mass-destruction of local villages has created its own dilemma. Here, the destruction of people ways of life along with surrounding nature was aimed as to abolish the foundations of traditional economics in Kurdistan. Furthermore, the destruction of the cultural identity of ancient community as such would become later the strategy for a savage policy in Iraq. Hence restoration of the demographic balance is among the priority of building-up Kurdistan hard power. Simply, it would pave the way for reviving alternative economics of agriculture, agro-industries, and tourism backed by oil revenues. Here, there is a need for hard investment in an infra-structure that would make it possible the transformation of current subsistence economy into commercial one based upon well-defined marketing structuring. Virtually, oil is the means not the end, and as expensive oil equals expensive food its revenues have to work eventually for diversification of local economics all for building-up a hard power in Kurdistan (Gulan 866). Ultimately, prioritizing local sustainable solutions must be at the core of a policy for developmental projections all toward fulfilment of long term objectives as follows:-

-Re-organization of the fast growing free market within legislative framework for all aspects of production, trading, marketing, industries & proper rights of consumer protection act (Gulan 932).

-Re-construction and diversification of the socio-economics of people of Kurdistan while avoiding any nasty effects on their cultural identity (Gulan 848).

-A reliable policy for health-care reform by blending health of nature with health of nation and where the policy of “Prevention before Cure” would rationalise the medical care in Kurdistan (Gulan 834, 835, 877).

-Education-reform that would ensure knowledge, skills and attitudes most demanded by free market with more contribution of market-oriented universities as to outline total solutions for future economic development (Gulan 907).

-Prioritization the role of local private sector that has to contribute to real business and economic development (Gulan 932).

-Prioritization of investment in human resource capacity building that would ensure democratisation of development all toward productivity, efficiency & sustainability of the natural resources (Gulan 907, 913).

-Bridging the gap between urban and rural development all toward social justice and public welfare in Kurdistan (Gulan 799, 820, 823).